Open Letter to to the British Public on the invitation of Macky Sall to King Charles III Coronation

 

 It is with great disappointment that I write this open letter.

I note that President Macky Sall of Senegal has been invited to attend King Charles’ Coronation as a guest .

I am concerned that this will bring a reputational damage on British institutionss by being perceived as “rewarding” someone who is rapidly degrading Senegal’s democracy:

•              Sall and his brother were implicated in a BBC documentary on a $10 billion oil and gas deal corruption scandal involving BP.

•              The Senegalese constitution specifically rejects a third mandate by a sitting president, but the President now says it is his own “personal decision” whether to stand. Bloomberg reports that Sall is “putting the country’s stability at risk by refusing to rule out running for a third term”.

•              The US State Department’s 2022 report on Senegal  highlights “Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: unlawful or arbitrary killings; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment by or on behalf of the government; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; political prisoners or detainees”

•              Amnesty International states; “Ahead of the 2024 presidential election, the Senegalese authorities are weakening human rights protection in the country”

•              Article 19 raised concerns; “As Senegal gears up for an election, media freedom and the protection of other rights, including the right to protest, have been severely compromised…. journalists have been attacked, naturally hindering their ability to perform their duties without fear. Reports indicate violations of the right to peaceful protest, with citizens being met with excessive force and arbitrary arrests during demonstrations… political parties are facing a blatant crackdown, their supporters and members have been arrested and prosecuted across the country. These developments are extremely worrying, as they threaten the democratic process in Senegal”.

 I believe that the invitation should never have been issued and that it is grossly inappropritae and embarassing to see a "wanna be" dictator using a British state occassion, in his few remaining months in office, s to try and get publicity at home to desperately prove his international respectability.

This is a gross error of British diplomacy who should as a minimum remain neutral in Senegalese political affairs

 Yours Sincerely,

 A concerned Senegalese resident of the UK

Macky Sall - "Return of interminable president in Africa" by Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

 FROM: PUNCH (Nigeria)

 

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

Macky Sall, Senegal’s president since the beginning of April 2012, has had somewhat of a charmed life. Born in December 1961, he has lived at the cutting edge of his country’s political leadership for over a quarter of a century as city mayor, cabinet minister, prime minister, president of the National Assembly, and president. Over this period, he has been a leader in the opposition Democratic Party of Senegal (PDS), protégé and later opponent to President Abdoulaye Wade, and since 2008, founder of a party political start-up, Alliance for the Republic (APR). 

To become president in 2012, he defeated the incumbent, Abdoulaye Wade, precluding him from re-election to what would have been a third term.

Now approaching the sun-set of his second term, which will end in 2024, Macky Sall wants to up-end his country’s constitution and do that for which he excoriated and ultimately defeated his predecessor and mentor – run for a third term. After months of ill-concealed dithering, he has all but confirmed his intention to run for what would be a constitutionally prohibited third term in a recent interview with French Magazine, L’Express.

Article 27 of Senegal’s 2016 Constitution could not be clearer: it prescribes the duration of a presidential term as five years and adds that “[n]o one may exercise more than two consecutive mandates.” If Macky were to finagle a tilt at the presidency for a third time, he would be in breach of this provision. 

For the moment, it seems, his plan is more than merely to run again. To make that happen, he seems intent on dictating whom he will run against too. His strongest opponent is Mayor of Ziguinchor and founder of the “Yewwi askan wi” (Free the People) coalition, Ousmane Sonko, whom Macky has systematically sought to tarnish and exclude from the contest with a succession of desperately specious criminal charges, so he can designate a hapless paper-weight as his opponent.

Macky Sall is the latest of Africa’s president in search of an interminable presidency. If he succeeds, he will be at least the 15th African president to do so in eight years since 2015. It was not supposed to be this way. 

Independence in many African countries arrived as somewhat of an anti-climax. In its wake, constitutional instability established itself as the preferred means of succession to power. In the 50 years from the beginning of 1955 to the end of 2004, West Africa alone reported 169 “military interventions of some type”, both successful and unsuccessful. There From 1952 to 1998, the continent recorded 85 successful coups. The cost to the continent was incalculable. Ironically, Macky Sall’s Senegal was one of the few countries on the continent that has so far not reported any.

The mutual assurance of non-interference on the back of which this toxic trend was established began to suffer re-examination following the onset of the wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in 1989. In 1990, Nigeria led the launch of a regional peace-enforcement intervention in Liberia which altered the way in which the continent responded to internal instability. The following year, in African leaders in Kampala, Uganda, diagnosed the interminable presidency as central to the continent’s conflict and instability pathologies and agreed that “[t]here should be periodic renewal of the mandate of political leaders. At the same time, the tenure of elected leaders in various branches of government should be constitutionally limited to a given number of years.” 

In the four years that followed 37 African countries altered their constitutions, with 37 of them introducing presidential term limits. At the continental level, regional institutions, including the Economic Community of African States, ECOWAS, and the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, which became the African Union in 2000, began to evolve rules for oversight over elections and constitutional instability.

What emerged by the turn of the millennium was a continental package deal, by which the leaders of the continent agreed three things. First, access to political power would be based on political legitimacy conferred through credible elections, supervised by regional institutions. Second, to guarantee political competition, presidential term limits will be limited. Third, in return for respect for these two stipulations, the continent outlawed unconstitutional changes in government or coups. 

By 2014, the continent went further to make the unconstitutional change in government an international crime in Africa. Those involved in it will become liable to be tried before the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights.  This was far reaching.

In effect, the prohibition against unconstitutional changes of government in Africa was part of an implicit bargain to install guardrails against abuse of presidential incumbency on the understanding that those who seek power had to undertake to abide by some determinate rules for access thereto. These rules were meant to ensure that they will not seek to convert incumbency into interminable rulership.

But, far from eventuating, what has happened nearly across the continent is that incumbents and their parties, aided by the willing complicity or abdication of regional institutions, have retrenched the norms on term limits and credible elections, while simultaneously entrenching the prohibition against unconstitutional changes in government into a rule for interminable presidency.

In response, coups are making a return to the continent on an “epidemic” level. Take Guinea for instance. The country had never had a peaceful transition of power in over half a century of independence before 2010, when it installed Alpha Condé as its elected president. Under the Constitution, he was allowed two terms of five years each, which were to lapse in 2020. But, rather than quit power as stipulated, President Condé, who was born in 1938, chose at 82 to organize a rigged referendum to amend the constitution, enabling him to rule until he was at least 94 years old. To ensure this, President Condé deployed the military, killing many protesters against the referendum.

Seven months later, amidst even more violent protests and more killings, Condé got himself proclaimed winner in elections for his interminable presidency boycotted by the opposition. Neither ECOWAS nor the African Union remembered that there were continental norms against interminable presidency and rigged ballots. In September 2021, the military overthrew President Condé, whereupon ECOWAS and the African Union quickly re-discovered their voices. 

As President Condé was busy securing his interminable presidency in Guinea, the ruling party in Mali organized elections under cover of COVID-19, at the end of which they used the judiciary to steal seats won by the opposition. What followed was a mass uprising which ultimately led the military to sack an unpopular ruling party and take over power. Once again, the AU and ECOWAS, complicitly silent in the preceding manipulation and fabrications, suddenly perked up.

By the turn of the millennium, military rule in Africa had rightly passed its sell-by date. Yet since 2002, the African Union has recorded and acted against 14 successful coups, most of them the result of presidential abuse of power or against the designs of an interminable presidency.

Africa, the continent with the youngest demographic in the world now has the distinction of having the four longest serving elective presidencies in the world. In Gabon and Togo, the Bongo and Eyadema dynasties have been in power for 55 years each. Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang approaches his 44th year as president, while Cameroon’s Paul Biya has clocked over 40. 

Across the continent, elections are in disrepute and the interminable president is back in vogue. Senegal’s Macky Sall is its latest poster boy. What happens over the next year with his effort to dismantle the constitution will be pivotal for the fate of the continent.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

In Senegal, the government is cracking down on human rights - National Public Radio (USA) Interview

 Listen to National Public Radio (USA) interview on Senegal

 

LISTEN HERE

 

NPR's Miles Parks speaks with Ousmane Diallo, a researcher at Amnesty International, about the state of democracy in Senegal, amid government crackdowns on human rights and political opposition.

TRANSCRIPT:

MILES PARKS, HOST:

Senegal is widely touted as a model of democracy in West Africa, but recent crackdowns on journalists and opposition leaders there have some questioning whether the country is headed into a backslide. Ousmane Diallo is a researcher at Amnesty International in Dakar. He joins us now to tell us about what they're seeing there. Hi, Ousmane.

OUSMANE DIALLO: Hello, Miles.

PARKS: So can you give us a real quick overview of Senegal's system of government? I know it has this reputation of stability, but can you tell us why it has this reputation?

DIALLO: Senegal, as you know, is one of the longest democracies in West Africa. There has never been a military takeover in Senegal. There has never been a military rule to the difference of many neighboring countries. Senegal stands out as a democratic beacon in the region. But now, I think, over the last two years, authorities have intensified repression.

PARKS: It seems like a big concern is retaliation against opposition leaders to the current president, Macky Sall. Can you tell us about what's happened just in that individual aspect of this?

DIALLO: Yes. So it's in the context of the 2024 presidential elections. Since there are judicial cases against one opposition leader, Ousmane Sonko, there is an intense militarization of law and order in Senegal, and the neighborhood of Ousmane Sonko has been barricaded by the police, actually.

PARKS: And what about the charges against this opposition leader, Ousmane Sonko?

DIALLO: There are two cases against him. The first is a rape complaint. But also there is another case of defamation. What is really at stake right now is that a conviction of Ousmane Sonko in one of the two charges against him could render him ineligible to the 2024 presidential elections.

PARKS: So turning to the media now - some journalists have also been arrested recently in Senegal. Can you talk a little bit about the charges that are being brought against them?

DIALLO: Just two weeks ago, a journalist was arrested and charged with contempt of court and dissemination of fake news. And this charge of dissemination of fake news has been used a lot to jail journalists and opposition figures or even members of the civil society that talk and comment about the political situation. Even in the case of Pape Ale Niang, who is a journalist of Wolof TV, the arrest and charges are linked to the case against Ousmane Sonko.

PARKS: See, all of this is surprising to me, Ousmane, because my understanding was that Senegal had a fairly robust media landscape over the last few years. When did this start shifting?

DIALLO: Since the March 2021 protests, we have seen more pressure against press actors.

PARKS: These protests - what happened, and what did they lead to?

DIALLO: So this protest in March 2021 were, I think, rather unique in the recent political history of Senegal, and they were triggered actually by the arrest of Ousmane Sonko while he was responding to a summons on the rape case filed against him. The security forces used lethal force against those protesters, and we had accounted around 14 people that died during the protest. Three were children. It marked a milestone in Senegal about the relations between the citizenry and the security forces and the lack of accountability related to the death of those 14 people is still a sore issue in the public debate in Senegal.

PARKS: There are reports that President Sall, the current president, might try to run for a third term. There is a two-term limit for the office, but I read today that he does not feel like it applies to him. Can you tell us about that?

DIALLO: Yes, Senegalese were surprised following a media interview made by President Macky Sall to a French newspaper L'Express in which he said that he was eligible to a third term, but he hasn't made his decision.

PARKS: What would be the response among the population there if President Macky Sall does run for this third term?

DIALLO: I think this situation is contributing to the instability of Senegal, because regarding the eligibility of the president, Macky Sall, the question will be decided by the Constitutional Council. It is going to be challenged, and there is going to be a violent protest irrespective of the decision.

PARKS: Can you talk broadly what all this means for all of West Africa? Considering how important Senegal has been as this sort of model of democracy, what does this backsliding mean for the region?

DIALLO: We have seen the coup d'etat in Mali and also in Burkina Faso, and also we have seen third-term bids by President Alassane Dramane Ouattara in Cote d'Ivoire. Many West Africans see the situation in Senegal as epitomizing the travails of the region. Unfortunately, I think if the situation in Senegal takes a turn for the worse, we are likely to see more backsliding in the region and more disaffection actually against political elites by the citizenry of Senegal, but also Mali, Cote d'Ivoire and the rest of the West African countries.

PARKS: That's Ousmane Diallo, a researcher at Amnesty International in Senegal. Thank you so much for joining us.

DIALLO: Thank you so much.

Ousmane Sonko's "Meet the People" tour again attacked with tear gas by security forces

 

Play here (Wolof & French) https://youtu.be/JHknafs6haQ

For the umpteenth time the convoy of Ousmane Sonko, president of the PASTEF party, and opposition leader, on his “Neemeeku Tour” (meet the people tour) has been the victim of unprovoked and illegal attack by members of the Gendarmerie security forces. The tour is designed to meet local supporters in the rural areas and listen to their grievances and has been invariably met by local youth and other supporters coming out to greet and follow theconvoy.

This time it was in the town of Taiba Ndiaye , where Ousmane Sonko was visiting supporters, and was welcomed by local populations, that the forces of "law and order" proved themselves yet again to be the forces of "no-law and disorder".

The unprovoked firing of tear gas at the convoy and at local supporters was not the result of any provocation. It was an entirely legal activity and reminiscent of many other political campaigns carried out by the ruling party without incidence. Ousmane Sonko supporters acted with resilience and refused to be provoked into responding.

In fact the convoy was even attacked when leaving the town. It appears that the main concern of the Police was to prevent the local populations from being seen to show their support for the opposition leader. Despite their best efforts the young people still came out to support the convoy.

It should be remembered that in March the African Union's The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights issued a statement strongly condemning "the excessive use of force by law enforcement officers against civilians". It further went on to remind the Senegalese Authorities of the fact that "freedom of movement and demonstration are guaranteed by Articles 11 and 12 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights), as well as the right to a fair trial which includes the respect of the presumption of innocence (Article 7 of the African Charter)." It further called on the "Senegalese authorities to take all necessary measures to restore calm and stability by refraining from the use of force".
https://achpr.au.int/en/news/press-releases/2023-03-16/press-statement-human-rights-situation-senegal

From yesterday's events it would appear these calls fell on deaf ears.

Senegal: Human rights violations on the rise in run up to election

 ARTICLE 19 statement on Human Rights violations in Senegal 05/04/2023

Place de l'independance, Dakar, Senegal. Photo: Rignese /Wikimedia Commons

Summary

This is a follow-up on a shorter statement published on 31 March, and provides further detail and analysis of recent events in Senegal, including protests that have turned violent, authorities’ attempt to prevent protest, and to stifle the freedom of expression of opposition political parties and their supporters.

As Senegal gears up for an election in early 2024, media freedom and the protection of other rights, including the right to protest, have been severely compromised. The country has witnessed a significant deterioration in its media landscape, and journalists have been attacked, naturally hindering their ability to perform their duties without fear. Reports indicate violations of the right to peaceful protest, with citizens being met with excessive force and arbitrary arrests during demonstrations. In addition, political parties are facing a blatant crackdown, and their supporters and members have been arrested and prosecuted across the country. These developments are extremely worrying, as they threaten the democratic process in Senegal and the fundamental rights of the Senegalese people.

 

The right to protest

The right to protest is a fundamental component of a democratic society. It allows citizens to express their grievances and demands, and it can bring attention to important social and political issues. Political parties also play a vital role in democracy, as they represent the diverse interests and views of the public. They provide a platform for citizens to engage with the political process and help to ensure that their voices are heard. Journalists, meanwhile, play a critical role in providing citizens with accurate and impartial information about events and issues affecting their lives. They help to hold those in power accountable and provide a necessary check on abuses of power. It is essential that journalists can operate freely without fear of reprisal or censorship. All of these factors are vital to the functioning of a healthy and vibrant democracy.

Reacting to this tense situation, ARTICLE 19 reiterated its call for de-escalation of violence and respect for fundamental rights, including the exercise of public freedoms and the protection of journalists.

‘ARTICLE 19 calls for de-escalation of violence and violations and concrete measures to protect journalists and their access to information without obstruction. We also call for the release of detained protesters. Public order will certainly be more effectively achieved through respect for the right to peacefully demonstrate, and the state’s protection of protesters, instead of using force and confrontation that reinforces a culture of violence. ARTICLE 19 remains ready to work with institutions and all relevant actors to reform Senegal’s regulations regarding the exercise of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. This will help guarantee the conditions for a civic space that empower citizens to express their opinions in the public space without fear and to fully participate in democratic frameworks in accordance with international human rights standards and norms that Senegal has formally endorsed,’ said Alfred Bulakali, the Regional Director of ARTICLE 19 Senegal and West Africa.

Violent protests and arrests during opposition leader Ousmane Sonko’s trials 

Opposition leader Ousmane Sonko has recently been tried for defamation. The trials, which took place on 16 and 30 March, sparked widespread protests in Senegal, which were met with force by the police, leading to the arrest of hundreds of protesters. 

Sonko was convicted in absentia and sentenced to two months’ suspended imprisonment and a fine of two hundred million CFA francs (304,898 euros), exacerbating the tense situation across the country. In addition to the defamation charge, brought after a case was lodged by the minister for tourism, Mame Mbaye Niang, Sonko also faces trial for rape, for which no credible evidence has been put forward. Sonko’s supporters claim the charges are politically motivated. 

On 16 March, Ousmane Sonko was on his way to the defamation trial when his procession was blocked due to a disagreement regarding the route. Tensions increased as police fired tear gas and protesters threw stones. Police officers forcibly removed Ousmane Sonko from his vehicle, and then punched and kicked him before ordering him into a police car to be taken to court. These events exacerbated an already tense situation. Unprecedented violence in several locations across the country followed, with reports of looting and destruction of public and private property.

Violence at the protests quickly escalated, with clashes between protesters and police, leading to injuries and arrests.

Some protesters set fire to government buildings and vehicles, and the government responded with a heavy-handed crackdown. According to both judicial sources and the media, since 16 March, hundreds of protesters have been arrested, including in Saint Louis, Ziguinchor and Dakar. Authorities provided a range of reasons to charge them, including participation in a prohibited gathering, causing damage or destruction to public and private property, and acts likely to compromise public safety. Other reliable data from the national opposition coalition Yewwi Askan Wi also indicate there have been widespread arrests and prosecutions of demonstrators. At least 100 young people are currently in custody at the central police station of Dakar. In other departments around the country, dozens of people have been arrested and referred to police stations, gendarmeries, and prisons.

Recent updates from the prosecutor of Ziguinchor highlighted that ‘since the 16 March  demonstrations, 96 protesters have been referred to the prosecutor’s office. Of these, 64 have been placed in pre-trial detention, while 32 individuals, mainly minors and students, have been released on bail.’

 

Authorities must respect human rights in order to prevent further loss of life 

On 20 March, clashes between law enforcement officials and protesters in the Bignona department resulted in the tragic death of 21-year-old Mamadou Korka, who was reportedly shot in the head. Two others lost their lives during demonstrations in Dakar on 16 March, including a deliveryman struck by a pickup truck and an agent of the mayor’s office of Medina, who was attacked with stones by demonstrators. Both individuals died on Friday, 17 March due to their injuries.

While law enforcement officials have a duty to maintain order and protect citizens, they must also respect the fundamental human rights of people, including the right to assembly and freedom of expression. It is essential that law enforcement officials prioritise the use of non-violent means before resorting to force, and only use such measures when less dangerous means are not practicable and to the minimum extent necessary, in line with international standards – specifically, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials highlight the importance of ensuring that the use of force is always necessary and proportionate. 

‘Security forces must refrain from using force against any peaceful gathering. All protesters who were arrested for exercising their right to protest must be released without being subjected to any kind of violence,’ added Alfred Bulakali.

Attacks on and arrests of journalists

On 30 March, the situation escalated further when several journalists covering the protests were arrested and physically assaulted by police. Security forces fired tear gas at crowds in an attempt to break up a press conference planned by Yewwi Askan Wi, resulting in a woman journalist being injured after being hit by a vehicle during the chaos. Another journalist from Agence France Presse (AFP) was assaulted by security forces while covering a demonstration organised by the opposition. Authorities claimed the rally organisers had failed to secure the required authorisation. AFP condemned the attack and questioned whether Senegalese authorities had truly intended to guarantee a free press and the safety of journalists. 

‘Journalists must be allowed to exercise their work freely and without danger, including when covering demonstrations or public events. Security forces must ensure the protection and safety of journalists at all times. They must refrain from using force against any peaceful gathering,’ added Alfred Nkuru Bulakali.

Targeting of opposition and political activists

According to recent reports, opposition leaders in Senegal have been targeted by the Sûreté Urbaine, a specialist unit dedicated to judicial investigations. The arrests took place in several locations, including Dakar, Kedougou, Kaolack, and Touba in the department of Mbacke. Many of those arrested were members of the political party PASTEF (Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité), and hold cabinet positions within the party.

The charges brought against the opposition leaders have varied, with most of them facing judicial proceedings for their views on either the Sonko case, the possible candidacy of President Macky Sall for next year’s election, or on public governance. The offences for which they were prosecuted include disturbing the peace, spreading false news, undermining state security, and defamation.

For instance, on 26 March, Dr. Seydou Diallo, the departmental coordinator of Keur Massar and Pastef Yeumbeul Sud, was summoned by the Criminal Investigation Division. Meanwhile, El Malick Ndiaye, the communications officer for PASTEF, was summoned and prosecuted for allegedly sharing false news on 22 March. He was prosecuted after he posted a tweet that claimed an ‘individual dressed in a uniform of the brigade d’intervention polyvalente sprayed Ousmane Sonko with an unknown substance’. He was finally charged, on 27 March, with spreading false news of a nature to discredit institutions, and has since been provisionally released on condition that he wear an electronic tag.

Earlier in March, two political activists, Abdou Karim Gueye and Cheikh Oumar Diagne, were summoned to the Criminal Investigation Division and later placed in custody on charges of ‘calling for insurrection, calling for violence against institutions, and undermining state security’. Following their appearance before a judge on 23 March, they were placed under a warrant of committal for ‘undermining state security’. In addition, the mayor of Keur Massar Sud, Mouhamed Bilal Diatta, has also been placed under a detention order and sent to Rebeuss prison after being prosecuted for ‘calling for insurrection’ and causing ‘offence to the head of state’ after telling young people to engage in acts of resistance.

These arrests have raised concerns among opposition parties parliamentarian Guy Marius Sagna claims that there are currently over 113 political prisoners in Senegal. The targeting of political activists and the use of vague charges to justify their arrest and detention is a worrying development that threatens to undermine democratic values and freedoms in the country.

The recent events in Senegal have highlighted the need to protect the fundamental rights of citizens, including the right to protest, freedom of the press, and freedom of political expression. The targeting of journalists, opposition political activists, and protesters is a cause for concern, and the international community must stand in solidarity with the people of Senegal in their fight for democracy and human rights.

Given the deterioration of media freedom and protection of other rights, including the right to protest, the government of Senegal must take immediate action to ensure that the rights of its citizens are protected. Specifically, the government must:

• Respect the right to protest: The government must respect the right of its citizens to peacefully assemble and express their views without fear of violence or intimidation. Any unnecessary use of force by the security forces should be immediately investigated and held accountable.
• Protect journalists: The government must ensure that journalists are free to do their work without fear of harassment, violence, or arrest. Any attack on journalists or media houses should be thoroughly investigated and prosecuted.
• Allow opposition parties to operate: The government should allow opposition parties to operate freely and participate in the political process without intimidation or harassment.
• Stop harassment of and crackdown on opposition leaders and political activists and release all individuals who were arrested for exercising their fundamental right to right to freedom of expression. 

Furthermore, we call upon the international community to closely monitor the situation in Senegal and to speak out in defence of human rights and democratic principles. The government of Senegal must understand that it will be held accountable for any violations of international law or human rights norms.

For more information, please contact:

Maateuw Mbaye, Program Assistant, ARTICLE 19 Senegal/West Africa Email: maateuwmbaye@article19.org   T: +221785958337

Aissata Diallo Dieng, Office Manager, ARTICLE 19 Senegal/West Africa Email: senegal@article19.org   T:+221338690322

Opponents form coalition in Senegal against Macky Sall's of third term

From: Le Monde -  By Coumba Kane and Théa Ollivier(Dakar, correspondence)
Published on 26 April 2023

 

A Dakar, durant une manifestation des oppositions à un troisième mandat de Macky Sall, le 26 janvier 2023. STEFANO RELLANDINI / AFP

In Senegal, the diverse F24 Platform to prevent a third term for Macky Sall. Political figures, members of civil society, associations, grouped under the same banner, are calling for a large demonstration on 12 May in Dakar.

It's like déjà vu. Twelve years after the Movement of June 23 (M23) formed to block the third term of former President Abdoulaye Wade, the platform "forces vives de la nation F24" was born on April 16 in Senegal, bringing together at least 150 political parties and civil society organizations. This time, it is Macky Sall who is in the firing line, accused of maintaining the vagueness of his candidacy for a third term in the February 2024 presidential election. "I understand the concern of the Senegalese but the time will come, it is soon," assured the head of state, Saturday, April 22 on the airwaves of the private Senegalese radio RFM.

The heterogeneous members of the F24 Platform have set several priorities: the fight against the third candidacy of Macky Sall, the release of political prisoners, the end of bans on demonstrations, as well as the repeal of certain articles of the electoral code on the ineligibility of candidates. Among this massive front are political leaders who have declared themselves candidates for the 2024 elections such as Ousmane Sonko, the former mayor of Dakar Khalifa Sall, Déthié Fall and Aminata Touré.


Faced with the risk of seeing one of them use the new formation to serve his own purpose, it was decided to entrust the coordination to a member from civil society. It is the former trade unionist and figurehead of the M23, Mamadou Mbodj, who was chosen. "It is important to have someone outside the electoral competition who can arbitrate in case of partisan differences," said Senghane Senghor, in charge of legal affairs at the association Rencontre africaine pour la défense des droits de l'homme (Raddho).

"It transcends political parties"

The new coalition must also ensure that it harmonises its speeches and should quickly set up a commission in charge of communication. "We have to work on polishing the speeches because we cannot speak like politicians and have inflammatory speeches," explains Senghane Senghor. The stakes are high to keep all the sensitivities on board the movement. The former Minister of Energy Thierno Alassane Sall has agreed to overcome these "dissonances" to join the platform.

"This is about defending the Constitution, not subjective and personal issues. This transcends political parties," explains the president of the Republic of Values party, who left his post after criticising the oil contracts signed by the 2019 government. Elected deputy in July 2022, he had refused to join the opposition coalition Yewwi Askan Wi-Wallu Senegal (of which Ousmane Sonko is a member) which he criticized for its "radicalism" and "violence". "This time, it is not a political coalition, we will not go together to the presidential election," continues the politician, who ensures that the issue of a potential union in the second round has not yet been addressed.

Although the new platform is broadly based, the absence of certain heavyweights on the Senegalese political scene is nevertheless felt. This is the case of the Democratic Party of Senegal, the PDS, of former president Abdoulaye Wade. "We cannot sit down with Aminata Touré, former Minister of Justice under Macky Sall, who has charged Karim Wade," says Assane Ba, national secretary in charge of mobilization of the PDS.

The son of the former president, who has eyes on the presidential election, was convicted in 2015 for "illicit enrichment" and then pardoned before going into exile in Qatar. Idrissa Seck, former prime minister who came second in the 2019 presidential election and is now a candidate again, is also holding back.

The coordinator Mamadou Mbodj would like to convince all these actors: "We want to continue to expand the platform. We are also in discussion with the trade union centres and religious leaders. The question now is whether F24 can succeed where the M23 failed in 2011-2012. A demonstration is planned in Dakar on 12 May, an opportunity to measure the weight of the new platform.

 From Worldview - RANE (Risk Assessment Network + Exchange)

 

 Senegal’s 2024 Election Could Threaten One of West Africa's Most Stable Democracies

April 24, 202

 In Senegal, mobilization of the opposition and the outcomes of ongoing legal battles could trigger massive unrest and — in an extreme scenario — a constitutional crisis that could plunge the historically stable country into violence. More than one hundred political and civil society groups in Senegal formed a coalition on April 16 to oppose a third term for President Macky Sall. The coalition is called the F24 Movement of Vital Forces and is coordinated by Mamadou Mbodj, a long-standing member of the Senegalese opposition. Ousmane Sonko, the leading opposition candidate for the February 2024 presidential election and the subject of two ongoing criminal trials, was among those who attended the coalition's launch.

 

• The F24 is meant to evoke commonalities with the June 23 Movement, or M23, that fought against a third term for former President Abdoulaye Wade in 2011-2. Senegal's constitutional court approved Wade's bid to run for a third term, but large-scale protests erupted, and Wade eventually lost the presidential election to Sall in 2012. 
• In addition to condemning Sall's ambiguity on a third term, F24 is also calling for the release of political detainees who were arrested during demonstrations related to Sonko's ongoing defamation case.
•  Sonko was convicted of defamation for comments he made in 2022 about the Senegalese tourism minister on March 30. He received a sentence of two months in prison and a fine of 200 million CFA francs (about $334,000). While the ruling will not bar Sonko from contesting the presidency, Mame Mbaye Niang, the minister of tourism who has accused Sonko of defamation, appealed the judgment and is seeking a harsher sentence, which is scheduled to be heard on May 8. Sonko faces a separate trial process for allegedly raping a beauty salon employee in 2021. In both cases, Sonko denies any wrongdoing; he and his supporters have persistently characterized the accusations as trumped-up, politically motivated charges intended to bar him from seeking the presidency
•  For the first time in Senegalese history, the president's party does not have a majority in parliament after July 31 2022 legislative elections delivered a decisive victory for the opposition coalition. 

The opposition's move is a reaction to Sall's ambiguity about whether or not he will seek a third term, which his opponents consider illegal. On March 20, Sall remarked that running for a third term would not violate the Senegalese Constitution, as the amendment that limits presidential tenure to two five-year terms was passed after his first term had begun. Earlier that month, Sall told journalists he was delaying his decision regarding whether to run in the February 2024 election to prevent political dysfunction. It remains unclear exactly when Sall will announce his intentions, but opponents have already announced their candidacies in opposition to Sall's Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS). The PDS has become increasingly repressive in recent months, refusing to grant permits for political demonstrations, arresting journalists and opposition leaders, and cracking down on political demonstrations. In addition to Sall's recent comments, these actions have fueled rumors that Sall is preparing to break with Senegal's relatively stable democratic system to extend his tenure.

• Senegal is one of the few West African countries that has not experienced a coup since gaining independence from France in 1960 and is broadly considered to have a relatively stable democracy.

Sonko's trial dates will likely trigger even greater demonstrations of resistance against the government, whereas indications that Sall intends to seek a third term could prompt a constitutional crisis. The semi-frequent opposition demonstrations that have brought Dakar and other Senegalese cities to a standstill over the last few years are likely to increase in cadence as the election nears, tensions continue to heighten and Sonko's trials proceed. If Sonko is sentenced to more than three months in prison during the defamation appeal trial or the rape trial, he will be ineligible to run for president, which would very likely lead to widespread violent unrest in the capital and smaller cities throughout the country. Meanwhile, Sall's candidacy also has the potential to trigger intense unrest and a constitutional crisis in one of West Africa's historically most stable countries. The questionable transparency of Senegalese courts means that Sall could receive judicial approval to amend the constitution to allow for three presidential terms and/or extended tenure. However, based on his previous statements that a third term would not be unconstitutional, it seems more likely that he would not pursue constitutional reform, instead skirting the question of legality and using police and security forces to suppress the opposition. This would likely spark a full-blown national crisis and create a longer-term domestic debate about the integrity of the Senegalese Constitution, which future governments may seek to amend to tighten perceived loopholes. Even if Sall does pursue another term and employs repressive measures, he is not guaranteed to win, as support for the opposition has been on the rise in response to what many Senegalese view as government abuses of power.

• The F24 invited members to mobilize on May 12 against the "unconstitutional candidacy of Macky Sall," which means that clashes between opposition demonstrators and police can be expected. 
• Even if Sall does not seek a third term, clashes and unrest are expected ahead of the election, given the Senegalese police forces' propensity to crack down on opposition demonstrations. 
• Every time Sonko is summoned to court, the government suspends traffic on the Dakar Dem Dikk bus service, bans the use of scooters and motorcycles, closes schools, and barricades opposition party officials into their homes.

 

Senegal, Anti-Imperialism and Pan Africanism with Guy Marius Sagna, Senegalese Member of Parliament & Activist on Pan African TV (Ghana)

 Pan African Television show "The Couch"  with Ama Pratt: In conversation with Guy Marius Sagna, leader of the FRAPP movement, opposition MP and member of PASTEF party, about Senegal and Africa (with full English translation). April 24 2023.

 

Click here to watch

Senegal: Police torture and brutalise arrested protesters - VIDEO

https://twitter.com/papealeniang/status/1649726737830359041

The Journalist Pape Ale Niang of Dakar Matin tweeted a shocking video capturing the moment when Senegalese police torture and brutalise arrested protesters in the town of Ngor. They were protesting over land siezure.

He comments: " In Ngor this is why the young people are fighting. They are being treated inhumanely and they are forced to resist their demands"

Some of the comments on the tweet are reproduced below:

• "What totalitarian immorality is it that some will come and tell us here that there is no dictatorship in Senegal,  frankly it is very humiliating in these images of brutality against the Senegalese youth. Long live the alternative in 2024."
•  "This is disproportionate (criminal and barbaric torture) use of force by agents who are responsible for law and order. It, is inadmissible! It's time for this to stop! To do this the Senegalese, including the members of the security forces must take their responsibilities before it is too late!"
• " Why are the police acting this way towards the demonstrators? This video should be shared as many times as possible. It is a criminal act. Instead of having more composure and control, they indulge in barbarism... Shame on these men!"
• " I'm afraid for Senegal how can they do this to civilians and what's saddest here those who have noble causes are the first to be arrested"
• "In Ngor we saw the police taking kids to use as human shields Israeli cooperation is making great strides"
• 
  
• "The Senegalese people demand the resignation of president Macky Sall and his government. Macky Sall is creating a dictatorship in Senegal. More than 600 young people in prison. Others killed by the gendarmes, police and militias of Macky Sall. Where are human rights?"

Armed pro-government militias open fire on Senegalese protesters: Adama Gueye veteran Senegalese journalist comments in English

 

 On  Friday 21April 2023, the first of two Eid  Fitr days celebrated in Senegal. In  suburban town of Ngor in the region of Dakar a dispute about land use and rights between the local population and the Gendarmerie had excalated into protests and street clashes between security forces and the local youth.  At issue was one of the few remaining empty spaces left, which the population wanted as a green sapce and possible future high school, whilst a project was discovered that the local authorities had granted the land without democratic consultation to build, (and there are conflicting press reports) , either a branch for the French superstore Auchan or a new Police station. 

 

The fierce resaistance put up by the youths meant that the security services have found it difficult to control the ground despite large numbers and modern anti-riot equipment.

Then this Friday came the arrival of unidentified men in civil clothes armend with sophisticated weapons opening fire on protesters and others in the local population. Who sent them? Who gave them weapons? Who protected them? These are the unanswered questions. In the clip below they can be heard saying to each other to pick up the expended cartridge  shells.

 

 

No Police statement has been made, no government official has commented, no investigation announced.

                 

Footage of the incident:

 

 

https://twitter.com/KyaKyasadji8/status/1649757287739695107?s=20

Video of live ammunition found at the scene

 

https://twitter.com/KyaKyasadji8/status/1649757287739695107 

 

 

Adama Gueye,  veteran Senegalese journalist speaks out about his concerns over the incident (English version):

 

 

https://www.youtubetrimmer.com/view/?v=cS_PibWiids&start=5513&end=7211&loop=0

SENEGAL: Voices of Democracy, by Yassine Fall VP PASTEF in charge of International Affairs

 

Yassine Fall, the Vice President in charge of International Affairs of the  PASTEF opposition party in Senegal, gives an overview, in English,  of the state of affairs and the attack on democracy in Senegal today. Includes transalation  into English subtitles of the voices of major players in the Senegalese political scene

 

Voices of Democracy

Still silence on the Senegal COVID 19 Fund Scandal - the status quo prevails

 SENEPLUS 15/04/2023

While it continues to cause consternation among all Senegalese, the case of the mismanagement of Force Covid-19 funds does not seem to lead to any sanction or administrative measure so far. This is despite the fact that the public prosecutor's office has taken up the case and has initiated investigations at the level of the Criminal Investigation Division!

In his book entitled "On the Waves of Covid-19", published recently, the former director of the Centre for Emergency Health Operations (COUS), Dr Abdoulaye Bousso, has added a dark layer to the management of  Covid-19 funds. 

Dr Bousso,  who was at the heart of the COVID response, mentions in his book a purchase of non-medical pyjamas which, according to him, "are still stocked in storage unsued". Revealed by the Court of Auditors, the scandal linked to the management of Force Covid-19 funds had left the Senegalese speechless. 

In its report on expenditures made in 2020 and 2021 on the "Response Fund against the effects of Covid-19" amounting to more than CFAF 740 billion made public last December, (NOTE 1 billion cfa = $1,676,233)  the Court of Auditors denounced irregularities in the management of these funds. It said it had noted over-invoicing on the price of rice and hydro-alcoholic gels, a lack of "supporting documents" for expenses and the awarding of contracts, and expenses unrelated to the Covid, etc. The Court of Auditors therefore requested the opening of a judicial investigation against the incriminated officials.

 The controversy that swelled after the revelation of the scandal did not, in fact, leave the President of the Republic indifferent. Macky Sall reacted in Cabinet by "asking the Prime Minister to carefully examine the information published, the recommendations made and to take without delay the appropriate measures to enlighten the public on the elements contained in the said report with a view to follow-up".

On this, the Minister of Finance and Budget, Mamadou Moustapha Ba faced the press and assured that the government will follow up on the recommendations of the Court of Auditors while specifying that the "total amount of failures by the report amounts to 6 billion 686 million, 784 thousand 410 CFA francs, or 0.7 percent of the 1,000 billion injected into the Program of Economic and Social Resilience (PRESS), executed in disbursable expenses by the Treasury (628 billion) and non-disbursable (372 billion).

Despite these assurances from the government, civil society, the political class and the population are maintaining pressure to prevent this umpteenth report from being placed "under the elbow" of the President of the Republic (note: Macky Sall famously said in the past, when asked about the many internal audit reports exposing corruption, that hed had "put his elbow" on them, and in fact these never saw any further action). This time the Senegalese people want to ensure that justice is done in this matter. 

The Civil society organisations held a protest at the Place de la Nation. Two deputies, Guy Marius Sagna and the former Prime Minister Aminata Touré (who was later stripped of her position as a deputy), tabled a motion in parliament  for a resolution to impeach ten ministers. The collective "Sunu milliards dou ress" (trans: "Our billions will not be digested"), which was formed after the scandal was revealed, filed a complaint with the attorney general.

 After the mobilisation, the judiciary announced that it had ordered the opening of investigations into alleged cases of "corruption and abuse of office" in the management of the Covid-19 response fund. The case  was referred to the Criminal Investigation Division of the Judicial Police, said the public prosecutor Amady Diouf, in a statement. Speaking to the press on 23 March, the Attorney General Ibrahima Bakhoum said that the investigation is "ongoing" and that hearings have been held with a view to "shedding light" on the use of the funds.

However, today, the Senegalese are still hungry for the truth about the scandal in the management of Force Covid-19 funds. They are still waiting for the justice system, which seems to be much more prompt in political or private matters. (NOTE: i.e. when the Leader of the opposition is concerned the judicial system is fast tracked, but  when the President's brother -in-law, who is one of the most high profile people responsible for the funds, is concerned it is a different matter) .

So far, the case does not seem to lead to any sanctions or administrative measures. Could the report of the Court of Audit suffer the same fate as reports from other audit bodies? We are waiting to see.

 NOTE: It has been argued by some jurists that referral of the matter to the Criminal Investigation Department is a "backwards step" as the Court of Aditors has the power to, in their report, to go direct to the Attourney General for prosecution, having already carried our an investigation and interviewed all the people concerned. The Police can bring a case to the Court of Auditors for investigation. Therefore this can be an attempt to kick the case into the long grass"

All (NOTES) are by Senegal Concern Editors